{"id":5208,"date":"2024-09-25T16:12:16","date_gmt":"2024-09-25T16:12:16","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/pan.thatscommunication.de\/dominik-oberhofer-answers-questions-on-the-national-council-election\/"},"modified":"2026-10-13T08:22:36","modified_gmt":"2026-10-13T08:22:36","slug":"dominik-oberhofer-answers-questions-on-the-national-council-election","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/pan.thatscommunication.de\/en\/dominik-oberhofer-answers-questions-on-the-national-council-election\/","title":{"rendered":"Dominik Oberhofer Answers Questions on the National Council Election"},"content":{"rendered":"

On 29th September, Austrian citizens will have the opportunity to re-elect the National Council, i.e. the Parliament. The Paneuropa Movement Austria, as a non-partisan European organisation, will not issue an election recommendation nor will it specifically campaign for any party. Various parties were offered the opportunity to address Paneuropeans via advertisements. One party accepted this offer. <\/span><\/em><\/p>\n

However, as with previous elections, we are once again presenting candidates who are members of the Paneuropa Movement Austria and are standing for the National Council. In this specific case, these are Michaela Jana L\u00f6ff, who is running on the \u00d6VP list, and Dominik Oberhofer, who is submitting himself to the voters’ decision on the NEOS list. <\/span><\/em><\/p>\n

We asked both of them questions concerning policy areas from the Paneuropean programme. Given the current situation, foreign and security policy play an important role in these questions, but the general further development of the European Union and Austria’s positioning within this development are also addressed. Here are Dominik Oberhofer’s answers. <\/span><\/em><\/p>\n

<\/p>\n

Question 1: In Eastern Europe, Russia’s war of annihilation against Ukraine rages on. Ukraine is fighting for its survival, but in doing so, it is also defending Europe against the imperialist ambitions of the Russian despot Vladimir Putin. Austria is a country that has a reputation for being very Russia-friendly. This is evident in the economic activities of Austrian companies that are still active in Russia, but also, for example, in the dependence on Russian gas, where there have been no signs so far of ending support for the war by stopping gas supplies (we pay more for gas to Russia than we support Ukraine). In Austria’s current security strategy (a new security strategy was adopted shortly before the editorial deadline, note), Russia is still referred to as a partner. How do you assess Austria’s stance to date, and how should a newly elected parliament and a newly appointed government position themselves towards Russia in the future? <\/span><\/p>\n

Dominik Oberhofer: Catastrophic. Austria is already a security risk for the West, and if Kickl and his FP\u00d6 had their way, we would officially become Moscow’s fifth column. Even during my time in the Tyrolean state parliament, I strongly opposed this downplaying of Russia’s actions. Everywhere else in Europe, sanctions are taken seriously. Here in Tyrol, especially in tourist hotspots like Kitzb\u00fchel or St. Anton, people look the other way when Russian and Belarusian oligarchs acquire luxurious holiday homes. Here, Russian money is laundered right under the noses of the local authorities. Assets that Putin’s political cronies stole from the Russian people. One of the first tasks of the newly elected Austrian parliament will be to convene a committee of inquiry to investigate the Russia connections. It must be thoroughly clarified where our authorities and administration are failing. <\/span><\/p>\n

Question 2: Austria provides humanitarian aid to Ukraine but, due to its neutrality, is unable to help with military equipment. Neutrality dictates that Austria does not join any military alliance and does not station troops from another country in Austria. Experts interpret this as a possibility to supply Ukraine with militarily usable products, at least in certain areas, as support. An example of this would be mine-clearing equipment, which could be used for demining in the areas liberated by Ukraine. How do you assess this possibility? <\/span><\/p>\n

Dominik Oberhofer: When I consider the historically grown connection between Austria and Ukraine, I would not judge our humanitarian aid to be sufficient. In Tyrol, we had an official who, in an adventurous manner, independently ‘returned’ three Ukrainian youngsters via Istanbul to Moscow. Youngsters who had fled the war and the Russian invasion. I not only personally endeavoured to clarify the case, but in the process, I also felt massive solidarity from the Tyrolean population for Ukraine. It took great efforts for the Tyrolean provincial government to become active here. Now, the state of Tyrol is finally also financially supporting rehabilitation facilities in Western Ukraine. However, it would be even more sensible if we supplied mine-clearing equipment and other militarily usable products to prevent the need for even more such facilities for war-wounded individuals. <\/span><\/p>\n

Question 3: Would you advocate for increased support for Ukraine and also more clearly articulate in political communication that Russia’s war against Ukraine also represents a direct threat to Europe and thus to Austria? (This refers to both disinformation campaigns and cyberattacks by Russia, as well as actual assassinations and attacks in EU countries.) <\/span><\/p>\n

Dominik Oberhofer: Yes, it is an absolute necessity to support Ukraine as effectively as possible. I am ashamed that this has not been the case so far. <\/span><\/p>\n

Question 4: Next year, Austria will celebrate 30 years of membership in the European Union. Article 42 of the EU Treaty regulates the so-called mutual assistance clause in the event of an armed attack on a member state. The so-called Irish clause would allow Austria to refrain from military assistance in such a case. Two questions on this: <\/span><\/p>\n

Firstly: Can you imagine voting in Parliament for a declaration stating that Austria would not invoke this Irish clause, and would you actively support such a declaration?<\/span><\/p>\n

Secondly: Can you imagine that a genuine European defence policy, in which Austria plays an active role, could be developed from this mutual assistance clause?<\/span><\/p>\n

Dominik Oberhofer: We finally need a common foreign and security policy. With its accession to the European Union, Austria de facto gave up its ‘perpetual neutrality’. Exceptions like the ‘Irish clause’ should be abolished. <\/span><\/p>\n

Question 5: The Paneuropa Movement advocates for a European foreign and security policy. European foreign policy means not only the coordination of the foreign policy of 27 member states by the High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, but an EU Foreign Ministry with a European Foreign Minister at its head. This would then be controlled by the directly elected European Parliament. This would be a transfer of competences to the European Union, where this sovereignty could also have an impact. A demand that also corresponds to the principle of subsidiarity. Would you support such EU sovereignty in foreign policy and what steps could be taken to achieve this? <\/span><\/p>\n

Dominik Oberhofer: Of course, as a Paneuropean, I support this demand; it is the only way we can advance the Union and strengthen European influence in an increasingly complex world. With Kaja Kallas, a strong liberal politician will become the EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Vice-President of the Commission. Political offices are shaped not least by the personalities who hold them. My trust and hopes that the perception of the office will change for the better with her are very high. <\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Question 6: Austria is a country that has greatly benefited from EU enlargement. Enlargement policy is one of the EU’s strongest foreign policy instruments. Nevertheless, enlargement policy is stalling. Where should strong initiatives be taken in the future from an Austrian perspective? <\/span><\/p>\n

Dominik Oberhofer: We need enlargement more urgently than the governments in Paris, Berlin, or Rome realise. Anti-European influence is growing strongly not only in the Western Balkans but especially in Georgia. With an unbearable policy of procrastination, we only strengthen those forces that threaten us. Under the guise of the BRICS states, a new anti-Western alliance is forming, led primarily by Russia, China, and more recently, Iran. These states are investing in educational institutions and ‘cultural forums’ in Albania, Montenegro, North Macedonia, etc. Friendship associations are springing up there, with the sole aim of spreading propaganda and creating dependencies, while the EU has been conducting negotiations with accession candidates for up to 14 years without a final perspective. <\/span><\/p>\n

Question 7: Austria is an export-oriented country. More than 1.2 million jobs are linked to exports; according to the Chamber of Commerce, exports account for more than 50 per cent of economic output. Trade <\/span>
\nagreements demonstrably have a positive effect on exports and trade relations. Nevertheless, due to selfish interest groups, Austria fails to approve the negotiated agreement with the Mercosur states. Do you see a chance that a newly elected parliament will adopt a positive stance on such trade agreements? <\/span><\/p>\n

Dominik Oberhofer: Unfortunately, this question is not decided in Parliament, but in realpolitik during government negotiations. We NEOS stand largely alone here. Not least, it was our MP Gerald Loacker who exhausted all parliamentary instruments to this end. But against a campaign by Austria’s largest daily newspaper and the \u00d6VP Farmers’ Association, almost everyone in the Republic buckles. <\/span><\/p>\n

Question 8: In which areas would you like to set your priorities in the next legislative period?<\/span><\/p>\n

Dominik Oberhofer: I come from the business sector. Every day I see how Austria as a business location is losing more and more of its attractiveness. The highest tax and levy burden meets a completely misunderstood federalism. On the expenditure side, we need a drastic austerity package that, on the one hand, relieves taxpayers and, on the other hand, enables urgently needed reforms in the social, education, and health systems. Furthermore, I want to fight for an athletic, lean, and transparent administration. Above all, the federal states need fiscal autonomy, similar to the Swiss model. Money must be collected where it is spent. <\/span><\/p>\n

Feature image c Reyer<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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