{"id":5871,"date":"2017-09-14T23:04:09","date_gmt":"2017-09-14T23:04:09","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/pan.thatscommunication.de\/when-warring-parties-govern-together-a-necessity\/"},"modified":"2026-10-19T22:01:00","modified_gmt":"2026-10-19T22:01:00","slug":"when-warring-parties-govern-together-a-necessity","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/pan.thatscommunication.de\/en\/when-warring-parties-govern-together-a-necessity\/","title":{"rendered":"When Warring Parties Govern Together \u2013 A Necessity?"},"content":{"rendered":"

With its new government, Kosovo faces a fascinating experiment. Can the government, supported by the Serbian minority and composed of former KLA commanders, reform the country and advance reconciliation with Serbia? <\/p>\n

A commentary by Stefan Hab\u00f6ck, International Officer of the Paneuropa Movement Austria<\/em><\/p>\n

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In June 2017, the citizens of Kosovo elected their new parliament. Three months later, a government has now \u2013 finally \u2013 been formed. So far, so unspectacular. Tough negotiations and deadlocks are not uncommon in government formations, neither in the Balkans nor in other European regions. <\/p>\n

However, the outcome of the negotiations and the newly formed government are remarkable \u2013 the new government is indeed a fascinating experiment, and its result is fundamental for stability in the Balkans and, by extension, the entire continent.<\/p>\n

Serbia and Kosovo \u2013 An Enmity<\/strong><\/p>\n

In 1998, the official war began between the Serbian armed forces of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA). At that time, Yugoslavia was led by the socialist dictator Slobodan Milo\u0161evi\u0107. In 2008, Kosovo declared independence from Serbia. To this day, the Republic is not yet recognised by all states worldwide. <\/p>\n

At first glance, the situation seems clear: the Albanian majority no longer wanted to be oppressed by the Serbian government in Belgrade. The Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) led the military struggle against Milo\u0161evi\u0107 and would later gain enormous political significance. This, in turn, is a thorn in the side of the Serbian minority in Kosovo (especially in and around Mitrovica) \u2013 and thus Belgrade. And as in many countries where a significant minority is under the (real or propagandistic) protection of another government, conflicts are pre-programmed. See the Baltics and the Russian-speaking population. <\/p>\n

The KLA \u2013 Symbol of Freedom. Or of Bloody Secession. <\/strong><\/p>\n

Today, approximately nine years after independence, former KLA commanders hold leading political positions in the state. The PDK is the strongest force in the country, with Hashim Tha\u00e7i as President. <\/p>\n

The LDK, the party of state founder Ibrahim Rugova \u2013 globally esteemed as a man of peace and freedom \u2013 has lost its former strength.<\/p>\n

With VV \u2013 Vet\u00ebvendosje, a political force has established itself, focusing primarily on criticising the system and corruption. And it is considered a hardliner on the issue of relations with Serbia. <\/p>\n

The June 2017 Elections \u2013 The Country Remains Divided<\/strong><\/p>\n

In the parliamentary elections on 11 June 2017, an alliance of PDK (emerged from the KLA), NISMA, and AAK secured a majority with around 34 percent, but is dependent on coalition partners. The opposition Vet\u00ebvendosje gained just under 27 percent, while the conservative LDK, previously a government partner, achieved around 26 percent of the votes. Voter turnout was rather low at 42.5 percent. <\/p>\n

The leader of the PDK is Kadri Veseli, former head of the intelligence service. The top candidate for the AAK is Ramush Haradinaj \u2013 former Prime Minister, indicted by the UN Tribunal for war crimes in ex-Yugoslavia and acquitted in 2008 and 2012 (when the trial was partially repeated). <\/p>\n

Haradinaj is still considered a war criminal in Serbia. He intends to limit the autonomy granted to Serbian municipalities in 2013 through an EU-Serbia-Kosovo normalisation agreement. The Kosovan Constitutional Court suspended this agreement, and it has not been reinstated since. <\/p>\n

Even before the elections, Serbia complained that the Serbian minority and its political representation in Kosovo could not act completely freely, and agreements were not being implemented.<\/p>\n

Haradinaj and Serbia \u2013 Enmity and Now Cooperation<\/strong><\/p>\n

This entire background \u2013 the enmity between the KLA and the Serbian government, ethnic conflicts, disputes over autonomy for the Serbian minority, and the struggle within Kosovo for reforms, renewal, and against corruption \u2013 makes the new government constellation all the more interesting and surprising.<\/p>\n

The new Prime Minister will be Ramush Haradinaj, who held this office from 2004\u20132005 before resigning due to the indictment by the War Crimes Tribunal (from which he was acquitted) and voluntarily surrendering to the Tribunal. He is supported by his party AAK and the PDK. However, this government, with its slim parliamentary majority (63 out of 120 seats), is made possible by two groups: firstly, the AKR \u2013 Alliance for a New Kosovo, led by millionaire Behgjet Pacolli. The Swiss-Albanian entrepreneur is considered a philanthropist, supports many humanitarian projects, and advocates worldwide for Kosovo’s independence. Secondly, and herein lies both the opportunity and the risk for the government’s stability, is the party of the Serbian minority. Belgrade, and thus probably Serbian President Aleksandar Vu\u010di\u0107, has apparently given the green light for this. <\/p>\n

And so, a situation arises where a coalition of KLA commanders and the Serbian minority now governs Kosovo. Not out of friendship \u2013 the minister responsible for Kosovo in Belgrade accompanied the government formation with a threat. <\/p>\n

Serbia’s Tactical Manoeuvre?<\/strong><\/p>\n

At first glance, this sounds surreal. The PDK and the Serbian minority in one government? Can this be? Yes. If one considers the alternative from the perspective of Serbia and the PDK. As written above, the PDK, in an alliance with other parties, only achieved 34 percent \u2013 the winner of the election was the opposition Vet\u00ebvendosje. <\/p>\n

\"18_12_2014_7886472_Fjalimi_vjetor_i_Presidentes_se_Republikes_se_Kosoves_ne_Kuvendin_e_Kosoves08__Copy_\"

The Parliament of the Republic of Kosovo \u2013 can the slim majority implement the necessary reforms? Photo credit: Office of the President of Republic of Kosovo (Source: http:\/\/president-ksgov.net\/?page=2,8,3664)<\/p><\/div>\n

And besides the normal rivalries between parties vying for power, one point raised by Vet\u00ebvendosje is essential and may have been decisive in forming a government majority without them. The party demanded a tough stance towards Serbia during the election campaign. Their participation in government would likely have had massive repercussions for Vu\u010di\u0107’s Serbian Kosovo policy. And currently, this policy is \u2013 at least outwardly \u2013 conciliatory. <\/p>\n

Vu\u010di\u0107 Promotes Rapprochement and Lures Kosovo Out of Reserve<\/strong><\/p>\n

A few weeks ago, President Vu\u010di\u0107 called for Serbia to enter into an internal dialogue on its relationship with Kosovo. He stated that realities should be acknowledged and that the independence aspirations of the (Kosovo) Albanians had been ignored for too long. Furthermore, irregular meetings take place in Brussels between Vu\u010di\u0107 and Kosovo’s President Thaci (PDK) \u2013 at the invitation of Federica Mogherini, the High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. <\/p>\n

The PDK and Serbia may have their differences. Haradinaj may proclaim harsh views on many points (for Serbs). But in power, they can engage in realpolitik. It is logical that Serbia would prefer the familiar faces as negotiating partners rather than the ‘newcomers’ of VV. Haradinaj is considered an enemy \u2013 but he has been known for decades. His strengths and weaknesses are understood. And: through the participation of the Serbian minority in government, Belgrade can now concretely co-decide on Kosovan politics. This was immediately put to use, blocking the debate on Kosovo’s own army (also rejected by the European community). <\/p>\n

I am optimistic enough to see this more as an opportunity than a risk. An internal political assessment shall be omitted here. The enormous challenges facing the country, independent since 2008, are well known. <\/p>\n

But the goal of both states is Europe. For Serbia, specifically the European Union. And for Kosovo, the lifting of visa requirements by the European Union. <\/p>\n

Therefore, there will be no other option but to approach each other and shake hands. Disputes belong at the negotiating table, where common solutions must be found. If the political groups of both countries internalise this, then much is possible. <\/p>\n

Feature image: Haradinaj, former KLA commander, still enjoys support in many parts of the population and is considered a war hero.<\/p>\n

RH, 5 September 2010, 11:15:53, Source:Flickr<\/a>: Supporting Ramush Haradinaj<\/a>, Author: Quinn Dombrowski<\/a>, Link:https:\/\/commons.wikimedia.org\/wiki\/File:Supporting_Ramush_Haradinaj.jpg<\/a><\/p>\n

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 <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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