European Coal and Steel Community reloaded!

The states have decided: the top positions in the Europe of 28 states are going to Western Europe. The proposed individuals are all professionals and highly experienced. What remains is this: if France doesn’t want it, everything comes to a standstill. A devastating signal, including for the countries of South-Eastern Europe. A commentary by Stefan Haböck, International Officer of the Paneuropa Movement Austria.

After days of negotiations, the heads of state and government in the European Council have agreed on the names they are proposing for the top positions in the European Union. Charles Michel, who heads a transitional government following the collapse of the government coalition in Belgium, is to become President of the Council, succeeding Donald Tusk. Josep Borrell, the 72-year-old Spanish Socialist, wishes to succeed Federica Mogherini in the office of High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. With Christine Lagarde, the Frenchwoman belonging to the EPP, the Director of the IMF has been nominated to lead the European Central Bank. According to the Council’s proposal, the German CDU Defence Minister Ursula von der Leyen is to become President of the Commission, the first woman to hold this office.

National government formations often take significantly longer

First things first: the elections to the European Parliament took place on 26 May; barely five weeks later, the Council – after a long tug-of-war – has agreed on the personnel. Five weeks is not a long time considering that heads of state and government from 28 states and four party families are negotiating here. How the respective individuals perform in office will have to be judged based on practice. One should be that fair.

Two things are striking about the personnel package

Firstly, both women come from the EPP party family. The European Social Democrats, otherwise proponents of gender quotas for private companies, only nominated men. Secondly, the four ladies and gentlemen all hail from Western Europe. With Germany, France, and Belgium, three founding states of the ECSC are getting their turn. Spain joined the Union in 1986. Even in the previous term, a – highly respected – non-Western European was represented in the person of the Pole Donald Tusk.

Eastern and South-Eastern Europe play no role here. Even if the Slovak Šefčovič and the Bulgarian Stanishev are mentioned as Commission Vice-President and Parliament President respectively from the second half of the legislature.

Questions arise here that can probably only be answered during the course of the term:

• Was it a tactical negotiation blunder by the Eastern and South-Eastern European countries? For example, the fact that they could not agree on a ‘Visegrád’ candidate?
• Is it ‘Western’ arrogance with which large Western European states carve up the positions among themselves?
• Is it perhaps also quite fitting and not unintentional that in future any criticism of the countries of Eastern and South-Eastern Europe will come from ‘Western European’ politicians?

Point three can only be verified once the Commission issues its first threats of proceedings. Here, too, we will see whether only Poland and Hungary are in focus, or whether the rule of law is demanded of other states regardless of the respective governing party. Keyword: Romania.

On the other hand, one could argue that in the long run it would certainly be better for their states if they did not constantly flirt with the role of ‘us against Brussels’ fighters.

Point two sounds harsh, but following the performance of President Macron (in a team with Spanish Prime Minister Sánchez), a certain arrogance on the part of large Western European EU states cannot be entirely dismissed. Macron, already known as a great blocker, did not just sweep every solution involving Manfred Weber – the lead candidate of the largest party, after all – off the table from the start. He also deprived Margrethe Vestager of her chance. Vestager was not a ‘Spitzenkandidat’ in the classical sense, as ALDE effectively waived this principle under pressure from the French head of state. But she was the frontwoman.

Le Jupiter has spoken

But Macron would not be the French President, and accordingly self-assured, if he were to withdraw his will for the sake of a compromise. Not only did he dismantle the lead candidate model for the two largest groups in the Council, he also linked this to a blockade of the Western Balkan states.

Does it sound illogical to link these two things – the head of the ECB and the Western Balkans (South-Eastern Europe)? Only at first glance. Since taking office, Macron has been demanding a comprehensive and deeper reform of the EU. In addition to new – statist and multi-billion – bodies, specially created institutions, and new taxes, this also includes a Europe-wide procedure for the EU elections and, linked to that, for the top positions in the EU.

The Western Balkans process is stalling – France and the Netherlands want it that way

The problem – especially for the Western Balkans – is that the majority of EU states reject his plans (Eurozone budget, etc.), but the President directly links his consent to EU enlargement to the implementation of – his – reform ideas. In short: no Eurozone budget with its own institution – no accession talks with Macedonia. What once heralded itself as a European statesman quickly turned out to be a thin-skinned, protectionist blocker of one of the most important geopolitical decisions for Europe’s future.

Back to the personnel package: the individual persons will have to be measured by their actions in office. In a time of more radical political rhetoric, it is important that the forces of reason also exercise fairness. However, with some decisions, one must admit that the talk of a West-East divide cannot be entirely dismissed.

© Featured image: European Union